September 6, 2011 by staff
9/11 Conspiracy, I remember exactly where I was and what he was doing when I heard: I was about three weeks into my freshman year at Emory University in Atlanta, and I was sharing a meal with my new roommates in the dining DUC. In the manner of college students everywhere were talking about current events. It was September 12, 2001, less than 28 hours after the attacks, when I heard my first theory conspiracy 11.9.
A friend was arguing that the plane that crashed in Pennsylvania the day before had been shot down by the U.S. military. His theory was that the plane had been destroyed as part of a more nefarious government plot; as some would say later, but had been brought down to prevent another goal of being beaten. Furthermore, he argued, the Bush administration would not be able to admit this, because the public would not accept that the U.S. government to a U.S. plane on U.S. airspace with U.S. passengers, to be shot from the sky.
For me, the government would not only have been justified, the American people would be very easy to understand he was justified, not to mention the fact that this secret would be impossible to maintain. We had a friendly debate about a half hour. The next day the actual details of what happened on Flight 93 began to emerge, and my friend and I did not address the issue again.
Now that 10 years have passed, I wondered: What was the conspiracy theory of my friend, stranger? (Otherwise, what was it?) In general, what has happened to the conspiracy theory 09.11, in all its various permutations and scandalous in the last decade? By tracing their history and their responses to the news as the increase in Iraq or the 2008 election or death of Osama Bin Laden, would it be possible to show how and why conspiracy theories in general, or at least this in particularly to wax and wane?
Conspiracy theories thrive by appealing to existing hate, paranoia and uncertainty. Hate may wither. The paranoia can crack. And the uncertainty will disappear. But the conspiracy theory lives or dies, thrives or fades, for reasons almost entirely unrelated to their actual content.
Consider this: Within hours of the planes hitting the towers, the conspiracy theories had already begun to turn. Many use them to fix the blame on their existing favorites coconut. Days after 9 / 11, for example, a rumor that 4,000 Jews had been warned about the attacks and did not come to their jobs in the Twin Towers. As indicated in Part 1 of this series, this story was discredited immediately and never gained traction in the West. Paranoid career in the U.S., meanwhile, were pointing directly to the U.S. government. People like libertarian radio host Alex Jones and alternative media journalist Michael Ruppert came from different sides of the political spectrum, but both “knew” immediately that the most diabolical powers that al-Qaeda were behind the attacks, specifically all-pervading New World Order and the oil-hungry, fascist Bush administration.
Shortly after the attacks, Ruppert Jones and both had begun to cultivate the myths about what really happened that day. But immediately after the 9 / 11, only a small segment of the U.S. population, 8 percent according to a survey in early 2002, are inclined to believe that their government was lying about what happened that day.
In 2003 and 2004 the Iraq war and the revelations about deceptive advertising that led us to be opened more minds to the possibility that the government was not telling the “truth”-a word the conspirators recruited to his cause, calling themselves the “9 / 11 Truth Movement” behind the 9 / 11. Meanwhile, inconsistencies in the official version of the facts and questions about Bush’s relations with the 9 / 11 Commission gave a lot of full-time conspirators ammunition with which to work. Although most Americans still believe that the Bush administration was “mostly telling the truth”, in early 2004 16 percent of the population believed it was “all lies” how much he knew before the attacks, double the number of the same CBS poll two years ago. Leading Democratic politicians like Howard Dean began to tiptoe on the issue of the foreknowledge of Bush, while at least one member of Congress, Cynthia McKinney, and conspiracy theories embraced open. Fahrenheit 9 / 11 that Bush obsessively reported connections with the Saudis and the bin Laden family, was a great success, raising more money at the box office than any previous documentary.
And in 2004, “truthers” who is his intellectual apostolate of an elderly professor of theology, David Ray Griffin. A year later, a movie called Loose Change was released on the Internet, and by late 2006 had been seen tens of millions of times. Part 2 shows how during the four years since the start of the Iraq war when it reached its lowest point in terms of public support and as a military campaign, a new group of potential supporters was created from that these conspirators could draw from their ranks. In mid 2006, one in three respondents tell pollsters they believed the government is responsible for the attacks or allowed them to spend to go to war in the Middle East.
Around this time the books, conventions, and films about the 9 / 11 conspiracy, finally began to attract the attention of more conventional outlets. With attention was counting. However, despite that most of the main arguments behind the move proved to be false, most famously for 100 years engineering journal Popular Mechanics, part 3, the conspiracy buffs full time duplicate. Instead of admitting mistakes and the exploration of more realistic premises, the strongest conspirators began accusing anyone who questioned the results of complicity in the coverup.
And then there was the role of anti-Bush. While Bush became a lamer and lamer duck, hate Bush relented and reduced the potential group of adherents, the movement became prone to infighting and purges. Soon there was a circular machine charges, as detailed in Part 4. Some younger leaders, such as Loose Change Director Dylan Avery, were driven by cynicism and paranoia of the conspirators intense around 2007, while others, like the British peace activist Charlie Veitch, were charged with be government spies after renouncing their beliefs.
At that time, however, the movement had already begun its decline. For 2009, the first black president taking office, the number of Americans who said Bush made it happen with 9.11 to go to war in the Middle East was at 14 percent. (Because the wording of questions about the responsibility of 9.11 has changed over the years to get a consistent measure of the public eye is difficult. However, in September 2007, a Zogby poll found that 26.5 percent Americans believe that “certain elements in the U.S. government knew the attacks were coming, but aware that they come from different political, military and economic”, and 4.6 percent, said members government actively assisted in the attacks.) In another survey in 2010, only 12 percent of Americans said they did not believe that Osama Bin Laden had carried out the attacks of 9 / 11.
Ten years after 9 / 11, conspiracy theories of 9 / 11 are back to square one: on the fringe. However, one of the main drivers of its popularity, the distrust of public institutions remains high. After a decade of war and economic catastrophe, Americans are more distrustful of their government and media than at any time in modern history. In the latest installment of this series, I wonder what this increased the uncertainty of 11.09 conspiracy theory or other theories. And I come with my friend from college age.
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